Recent violence in France has widened the gulf between Muslims in Europe and the secular government there.
After French President Emmanuel Macron speech on ‘Islamic separatism’, the old debate on the issue of secularism in the ‘Land of Enlightenment’ took a new turn because, for some, secularism has Christian cultural characteristics.
According to some observers, although this comprehensive secular model of government guarantees freedom of religion for all citizens, it still accepts Islam as a ‘foreign’ ideology and Muslims as ‘temporary guests’. Even if they are third or fourth generation immigrants.
While others believe that Muslim immigrants suffer oppression and poverty in their home countries and countries like France provide them with opportunities and social protection, it is their duty to respect the laws of the host society.
The French state has adopted a completely ancient secular system that is part of the legacy of the French Revolution and Enlightenment philosophers who proposed the idea of splitting the church from the state and society.
According to the Law on the Separation of Churches and the State, issued during the Third Republic in 1905, “the (French) Republic does not condemn any religion, nor does it support or finance any sect.”
The law separated the church from all legislative, educational, and administrative institutions in the state, banned the formation of clergy parties and interference in politics, turned places of worship into public property, and banned the use of religious symbols in government institutions.
Lebanese author Wissam Saadat told BBC Arabic that the model of French secularization was “the failure of the church and religion to subjugate the state system and the imposition of civil law on the clergy during the French Revolution in 1791.” Emerged against the backdrop of intense controversy.
The French Empire, on the other hand, adopted a different policy by linking them to state institutions in order to regulate relations with fatwas and clerics in its Muslim-majority colonies.
Wissam Saadat is a professor of political science and history at St. Joseph’s University in Lebanon. He says: ‘The Third French Republic has laid the groundwork for defining secularization in two different ways:’ separating the state and public schools from the church for Christians and fatwas for Muslims and linking religious institutions to the state Based on.’
According to him, the conflict between the state and the church was a violent period in French history, but at the same time secularization was in itself a ‘secularization of the Christian religion’.
In his opinion, “French secularism does not lie when it speaks of complete separation between state and religion and when it says it has no religion,” but it is primarily about establishing a relationship with religion..
He pointed out that “the third republic of France, which was a staunch opponent of religious scholars in the early twentieth century, is not similar to the fifth republic, which was influenced by the conservative tendencies of its founder Charles de Gaulle and its tendency towards Catholic culture.” It was about heritage and its restoration.
Camille Anguriano, a professor of political philosophy at the University of Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona, Spain, says: “French secularism has historically not been completely neutral but multifaceted because the French state has established a privileged relationship with Catholic and Jewish sects.
However, Camille Angoriano added: “It is easy to say that French secularism leaves its Muslim citizens alone.”
Despite its historical complexities, it can be said that the French secular model is “democratic, fair and pluralistic”, provides a good framework for embracing Muslims, and allows them to be part of society because of secularism. The basis is respect for all religions and beliefs, and all citizens are equal before the law, regardless of their country of origin, race or religion.
According to Camille Angoriano, the current situation is not a model of secularism but a widening of the current gulf that could provoke a “dictatorial” reaction from both sides, even if it raises concerns about “secular crusades.” Express or the French state.
In his view, although the state has the right to respond appropriately to security concerns, it has initiated a series of “disturbing” measures, including an attempt to disband associations engaged in “Islamophobia” by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Interior. Some offensive statements, and finally the Comprehensive Security Act, which some quarters fear could restrict freedom of expression.
The French parliament began debating the law a few days ago at a time when many of its provisions are in dispute, as it would make it a crime to photograph police officers during a police operation.
Is secularism a stereotype?
Many political bodies around the world derive the concept of secularism from the French system of government for the protection of human rights and equality among citizens.
On the other hand, some say that secular European governments have not protected their societies from hate crimes and racism, and especially from the rise of right-wing extremism in recent years. Does this mean that the concept of secularism is now stereotyped and needs to be reconsidered?
According to Camille Angoriano, “the idea of a just and secular state is more important today than at any time in the past.”
“Secularism is a useful and necessary way to live in peace and prosperity in modern pluralistic societies (whether in the West or elsewhere),” he said. However, secularism is not necessarily democratic and pluralistic. For example, on the model of Stalinism, there is also an authoritarian and ideological secularism based on an anti-religious stance.
Wissam Saadat believes that the current challenge of secularism is to change the problem of the past and the afterlife to the future and the life of the world. There can be no solution.
In his opinion, the struggle is not to exclude the Hereafter altogether, to remove its anxiety from the people, or to confine it to them without spreading it in public circles, because it is impossible. The historical mindsets do not change drastically.
In this context, the Lebanese author criticizes that all “secularism is the secularization of something, just as Christian-based secularism is based on a Christian or post-Christian background and should not be arrogant.” This also applies to secularism with an Islamic, Hindu or Buddhist religious background.
Does secularism conflict with religious identities?
If we go back to the months-old debate over Turkey’s decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque, we remember that many Turks and Muslims around the world welcomed the move because in their view the move has revived the original Turkish identity based on Islam, which has not been able to eradicate even after decades of secularization.
If, according to Wissam Saadat, all ‘secularization’ is the secularization of a religious heritage, does this mean that any plan of civil law that equates all citizens fails in today’s world with the rise of religious identity and national sentiment?
According to Camille Ingoriano, “secularism is certainly possible even when nationalist sentiments intensify.” You may face difficulties because some leaders and parties use these sentiments as a political tool. “Turkey today has a religious dictatorship that threatens democratic diversity, so the problem is not secularism but dictatorship.”
According to Inguriano, the best example of Turkish secularization can be found in the Turkish author Orhan Pamuk’s novel Snow (2002), which aims at “respecting religion and spirituality as well as rejecting any kind of authoritarian tendency.” Teaches whether it is religious or non-religious.
Wissam Saadat takes us to the beginnings of Turkish secularism, which was founded by Kamal Ataturk, when Kamal abolished the Ottoman Caliphate, abandoned the language of the call to prayer, and abolished the mention of religion in the constitution and laws. ‘
“It is true that state institutions are no longer based on religion, but the state controls religion. Religion does not issue fatwas on state affairs, but since Ataturk’s time, the Department of Religious Affairs in Turkey has regulated religious conditions and madrassas that prepare clerics.
He added: “Absolutely neither Turkish secularism is waiting for Sofia to take the form of a museum nor is it being dismantled by turning it into a mosque.” So is it secular at the moment with an Islamic background? It can happen. We must not forget that Turkey’s refusal to join the European Union was linked to the pressure on Europe’s Christian roots.
Is secularism against religious freedom?
The recent crisis in relations between France and Islam has led to comparisons between the French government and other secular governments, which of them is more supportive of religious freedom.
The issue has gained prominence during the recent US presidential election, and the religious sentiments that have played a role in the campaigns of the two opposing parties, whether it’s Biden’s Catholicism or the support of evangelical Christians for Donald Trump. Or the debate over the future of religious freedom in the country.
Camille Angoriano says that the similarities between the many models of secularization do not eliminate the specific problems of each model separately. “In the United States, Trump represented a model of populist dictatorship that used evangelical Christianity as a political tool, but in the United Kingdom, there has always been talk of religious isolation at the cultural and social level.”
In his view, the real danger in France today lies in the extreme polarization and the constant mutual animosity and extremism. State authoritarianism and authoritarian religious tendencies promote each other and can create obstacles to freedom of expression.
Wissam Saadat recalls that the Soviet Union’s leading party had adopted secularism as a state ideology, but that the constitution gave equal rights to religious propaganda and anti-religious propaganda. In fact, the state has been working since the early 1940s to reconcile itself with the church, rather than continue its efforts to destroy it.
In this context, Wissam Saadat pointed out that “the Leninist concept of the organization was inspired by the Christian monastic model, just as the Muslim Brotherhood made the concept of formalizing a Sufi lineage without becoming a Sufi or Bolshevik Christian a reality.”
Note: This article was first published in BBC Urdu
